Khamenei’s Fatwa: A Political Tool
1
Introduction
Shias and Shia apologists are hasty to quote a verdict
issued by Khamenei, ostensibly denouncing cursing of the revered figures of
Sunnī Islām when questioned about this controversial issue. Does this verdict
stand the test of reality? Is this verdict implemented as is, or are there
nuances that the Muslims are kept in the dark about? Does the verdict of
Khamenei undo all the harm caused by the fundamental Shia teaching of tabarra,
i.e., disassociation? Does the fatwa of Khamenei override the verdicts issued
by the Shia clergy? Does the fatwa of Khamenei contain political twists? Does
the fatwa of Khamenei remove all the grievances that the Shia world have
against the blessed and noble companions of Rasūlullāh sallallahu 'alayhi wa sallam and his blessed family?
2
Muslim Position
The Muslim Ummah holds all the Ṣaḥābah radiyallahu 'anhum and the entire family of
Rasūlullāh sallallahu 'alayhi wa sallam with the highest level of
honour, reverence, love, and respect. The Muslim Ummah believes that all the Ṣaḥābah radiyallahu 'anhum and the entire family of
Rasūlullāh sallallahu 'alayhi wa sallam conveyed the religion of
Islām fully to the generations that followed them. The Muslim Ummah makes du’ā’
of mercy and the pleasure of Allāh Ta'ala after uttering the name of every single Ṣaḥābī and every single member of the
blessed family of Rasūlullāh sallallahu 'alayhi wa sallam.
The Muslim Ummah does not differentiate – in terms of belief – amongst the Ṣaḥābah radiyallahu 'anhum, and they do not dismiss
anyone from being part of the blessed household for political reasons. The Muslim Ummah does not tolerate any Ṣaḥābī
or any member of the blessed family of Rasūlullāh sallallahu 'alayhi wa sallam being targeted by any means
or by any person.
3
Shia Position
The Shia position is divisive and controversial.
Firstly, the Shia create a division between ‘Ṣaḥābah’ and
‘Ahl-ul-Bayt’, following which - one deserves unreserved praise, and the other
deserves unreserved condemnation. The fundamental teaching of tabarra, i.e.,
disassociation, is applied to the Ṣaḥābah radiyallahu 'anhum,
and not to the Ahl-ul-Bayt.
Secondly, the Shia make divisions amongst the Ṣaḥābah radiyallahu 'anhum that were not made by anyone
before them, nor do these divisions find any place in the Noble Qur’ān or the
blessed Sunnah. It is a product of their own imagination (and hallucination).
They divide the Ṣaḥābah radiyallahu 'anhum into ‘loyalists’, ‘hypocrites’, and ‘those who had flaws.’ The Shia state that
if any person (amongst them) has a soft spot for the enemies of Zahrā’, i.e.,
Sayyidah Fāṭimah radiyallahu 'anha,
then he or she will be deprived of intercession!
Thirdly, the fundamental teaching of tabarra, i.e.,
disassociation is practically implemented by cursing. The Shia do not differ
over the fact that their religion condones cursing the Ṣaḥābah radiyallahu 'anhum, but they differ over whether
the cursing is to be done in public or not.
Fourthly, Shias state that tabarra, i.e., disassociation
and condemnation remain part of their religious obligations, but the fatwa of
Khamenei forbids insults so as not to offend the Muslim Ummah.
Fifthly, the Shia are not true in their claim and
application of ‘love for the Ahl-ul-Bayt’, because they cast aside family
members of Rasūlullāh sallallahu 'alayhi wa sallam from being part of his household, like his spouses, his three biological
daughters (Sayyidah Zaynab radiyallahu 'anha,
Sayyidah Ruqayyah, and Sayyidah Umm Kulthūm radiyallahu 'anha), his
biological sons (Sayyidunā Qāsim radiyallahu 'anhu, Sayyidunā
‘Abdullāh radiyallahu anhu, and Sayyidunā Ibrāhīm radiyallahu 'anhu). This is hatred for the
Ahl-ul-Bayt in its most pure form.
Sixthly, the Shia view the Ṣaḥābah radiyallahu 'anhum as any common person in
history that can be judged in the light of whatever a person feels and studies.
The Muslim Ummah views the most blessed Ṣaḥābah radiyallahu 'anhum as
Qur’ānic personalities, whose excellence cannot be tainted in any way
whatsoever, no matter how loud the Shia may scream, bark, and bray.
4
The Question of Taqiyyah
Taqiyyah, i.e., dissimulation, or holy hypocrisy is
another fundamental of Shia teaching. The role of taqiyyah cannot be dismissed
or wished and washed away, especially when the fatwa comes from the top.
If the fatwa of Khamenei is genuinely taqiyyah free, then
the Shia around the world must, at all costs, issue a fresh change in the
fundamental teachings of the Shia religion, and condemn all the tabarra around
the world. In addition, the Shia Maraji worldwide must begin praising the Ṣaḥābah radiyallahu 'anhum, without any divisive
classifications amongst them. The Shia masses must begin doing the same.
5
Political Motives
Experts: Iran fatwa on Prophet’s wife will not bridge
Sunni-Shia divide[1]
October 5, 2010
A recent fatwa issued by Iran’s supreme leader banning
insults to Prophet Muhammad’s wife Aisha will not help ease tensions with the
Islamic Republic's Sunni-Arab neighbours, experts say.
Mohamed Megahed al-Zayat, vice-director of the National
Centre for Middle East Studies, argues that the fatwa is politically motivated
and will therefore fail to elicit a positive response from the region's
Sunni-Arab masses.
"It's not a general fatwa for everybody–it's not
aimed at the Iranians themselves," he said. "It targets the
Arabs."
Al-Zayat justifies his argument by noting that Iranian
media paid little attention to the fatwa, including Iranian Arabic-language
news channel Al-Alam.
"This fatwa has many political objectives," he
added, such as telling Palestinian resistance faction Hamas, Iran's Sunni ally,
that "Iran's policies are not based on sectarian lines."
In response to questions posed by a group of Saudi Arabian
Sunni-Muslim scholars, Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei ruled that
"insulting the symbols of our Sunni brothers, including the Prophet
Muhammad's wife, is forbidden. This includes the women associated with all
prophets, and especially those associated with the holy Prophet Muhammad."
Abdel Moaty Bayoumi, professor of theology and philosophy
at Cairo's Al-Azhar University, argues that the fatwa is "incomplete"
since it focuses only on the Prophet Muhammad's wife Aisha, highly revered by
Sunni Muslims, and does not refer to all of the prophet's companions–some of
whom are frequently mocked by Shia Muslims.
Nevertheless, Al-Azhar Grand Imam Sheikh Ahmed al-Tayeb,
along with other prominent Sunni-Muslim figures, praised Khamenei's fatwa.
"I received the blessed fatwa with appreciation," al-Tayeb declared.
Medhat Hamad, professor of oriental studies and Iran
expert, views the fatwa as an indication of a "serious
transformation" of thinking within the Iranian religious establishment.
"For the first time, Iran’s supreme leader has gone
in front of the public to issue a fatwa aimed at easing Sunni-Shia
tensions," Hamad said. Hamad believes the fatwa will have a positive
effect on the Shia community due to Khamenei's unrivalled influence.
Al-Zayat, however, contested this view, noting that
reactions to the fatwa among Iraqi Shias have been less than stellar.
"Iraqi Shia religious leaders, such as Sayyid Ali
al-Sistani, haven't reacted to the fatwa in any way," he said. "Most
Iraqi Shias will completely ignore the fatwa."
The fatwa comes only a few weeks after bitter remarks
against the Prophet’s wife by London-based Shia cleric and political refugee
Yasser al-Habib. Al-Habib's comments led to political turmoil in Kuwait, which
is home to a sizable Shia minority.
Three weeks ago, the Kuwaiti cabinet, following mounting
pressure from Sunni Islamist MPs, stripped al-Habib of his Kuwaiti citizenship
because of his disdainful remarks about Aisha and the first two Muslim caliphs,
Abu Bakr and Umar.
Aisha, daughter of Abu Bakr, is a highly respected figure
among Sunni Muslims. But she is negatively perceived by Shias due to the role
she played in attempts to remove Ali, who Shias recognize as the first rightful
caliph.
"The fatwa in general is good," said Bayoumi.
"I see it as a positive step, even though it doesn't provide a religious
basis for banning insults against the Prophet's wife."
Bayoumi went on to assert, however, that Khamenei's fatwa
would fail to amount to anything unless it was accompanied by policies aimed at
"getting rid of the sectarian views embodied in Iranian policies in places
like Iraq and Lebanon."
"The Iranians are practicing a clear strategy of
promoting the spread of Shia doctrine," he said. "They combine the
political with the religious in an effort to achieve their regional
ambitions."
Since the 2003 US-led invasion of Iraq, the sectarian
divide between Sunnis and Shias has deepened, allowing some regimes in the
predominantly Sunni-Muslim Middle East to accuse Arab Shias of threatening
regional stability to serve Iranian interests.
Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak has accused Shia Muslims
in the Gulf of being more loyal to Tehran than to their home countries. King
Abdullah II of Jordan, meanwhile, has warned of a "Shia Crescent"
that has a shadow across the entire region.
The Sunni-Shia divide has had bloody consequences in Iraq,
which has a Shia majority, and has led to chronic political and social problems
in Saudi Arabia.
Al-Zayat, for his part, says the fatwa can be read within
the context of rising political, social and religious tensions in the Gulf
States, most of which have considerable Shia minorities.
Last month, Bahrain's Sunni-dominated government accused
some Shia activists of establishing a "terror network" aimed at
toppling the government and destabilizing the country.
In Egypt, despite a wave of optimism following an
agreement this week to resume direct flights between Cairo and Tehran for the
first time in three decades, Mubarak has accused Iran of supporting
"extremist" forces in the region.
In a recent interview with Egypt's Armed Forces magazine,
Mubarak said that Iran "could become part of the solution to Middle East
crises, rather than being one of the causes of those problems."
According to Hamad, the differences between Egypt and Iran
are "deeply ingrained," since the two states have long held opposing
views on core regional issues.
"Egypt is a major ally of the United States, while
Iran is an enemy," he said. "What's more, Egypt supports the Israeli
Palestinian peace process, while Iran supports resistance against the Israeli
occupation."
6
Juristic Clash
In Shia jurisprudence, the masses follow their own chosen
marja’. Independent verdicts by marāji’ are followed, and some independent
scholars argue that the fatwa of Khamenei does not override the ruling of their
own marja’.
7
Unity?
7.1. Shia apologists and Shia lovers like Daniel Haqiqatjou
and Mawlana Zahier Ragie argue that unity with the Shia is essential in today’s
climate. The fatwa of Khamenei is generally given as the first card on the
table, as if, based on this card, all others become acceptable.
The first question posed to them is that, is this unity
call, perhaps not politically charged? Are the Muslim scholars bound to alter
the teachings entrenched in the Noble Qur’ān to accommodate for Shia politics?
If the Shia clergy
are pushing their masses in the direction of interfaith and atheism, that is no
reason at all for the Muslim Ummah to push the Muslim Ummah in the same
direction. It is no secret that the Shia clergy have welcomed the Abraham
Accords and are also in favour of it.
Shia preachers continue to preach that no Shia is bound to
leave his or her belief system. The Shia are not prevented from teaching their
belief system to their children.
According to the Shia, when they make a noise about unity,
they say that it means no change will be embraced in the principles and the
fundamentals of their religion. They are not ready to abandon the belief of Imāmah, which is denial
of Khatm-un-Nubuwwah in the name of unity. The Shia are not ready to abandon
tabarra in the name of unity. What kind of unity is this? It sounds more like
disunity and discord.
The Muslim Ummah respects all the Ṣaḥābah radiyallahu 'anhum and the entire blessed household. We
do not show disrespect for any of these blessed souls. Hence, if the Shia are
asking for unity, then unity must be unity, not discord and friction. The Shia
cause discord and friction, not the Muslim Ummah.
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